Part Two
Anita Susuri: Did you work inside the pit or what was your job like there?
Xhafer Nuli: In Stari Trg or…?
Anita Susuri: In Stari Trg when you first started.
Xhafer Nuli: My job as an engineer at first, I started in the maintenance department of the mine. That department had a large number of workers, electricians, stators, builders, what do I know. I worked as a chief of technical preparation at first, and then… But anyway I was an intern for six months and there was no other way, you had to finish the internship stage. As an intern, you only had to go and observe the situation, to describe it, and study it and in a way to be introduced to all kinds of circumstances, especially the protection terms and circumstances. Protection at work is one of the most important segments, one of the most important at mines, everywhere, at any enterprise, but in mines it needs a special commitment.
And then I became a sort of leader or chief of technical service, but in the mine, I didn’t have to go every day, but from time to time. It was considered as a workplace where you had to show up in the mine as well.
Anita Susuri: When you started in ‘74, the Constitution was also ratified, so it was sort of… I mean better times.
Xhafer Nuli: Yes.
Anita Susuri: At the same time there was also the idea that Trepça was also always working for someone else, not the development of our own state. What’s your opinion on that? What was your point of view?
Xhafer Nuli: But to tell you the truth, until I got to Trepça, when I went there, they had already started hiring [Albanian] staff. After all, when I started working in Trepça, I was the only electric engineer with a diploma that was Albanian there. As I mentioned about Shyqyri, Shyqyri was a miner, but as an electric engineer in Trepça, I was the only Albanian one.
When it comes to welcoming and respecting workers, the welcoming of Albanian workers deserves praise. You couldn’t face [hostility], they were so excited for the amount of Albanian staff to increase [in Trepça]. Later on Albanian staff started to join a lot. When I went there, I can’t say about others, but all the heads, all the main workers were put as heads of specific departments of work. All the heads were Serbian, Albanians started to join much later. Slowly they [Serbs] started to withdraw for work reasons, for specific reasons, maybe they couldn’t stand someone else to command them or request for them to do a job, some of them left the job and went to Serbia, some retired or went somewhere else. Later on all the heads became Albanian, and all the leaders as well.
There was a lot of work in Trepça at the time, people worked with commitment and willingness. To tell you the truth I worked after the war too. I don’t know where we lost that willingness, unfortunately! It’s unfortunate, but we lost that enthusiasm.
Anita Susuri: When did it start to get a little… and to notice it’s going downward, that it’s worsening?
Xhafer Nuli: Until, I’m saying from ‘74 it became better and better until ‘81, ‘80-’81. After the ‘81 demonstrations, even though we were working staff, we didn’t give up, but you could notice their tendencies. I remember a case for example when they had to sentence people for the ‘81 demonstrations, they had to sentence them. They would come from Committees, from there, Province, as we used to call it, “they have to be sentenced.”
There was some Miloš Vojaković and he came and said, “They have to be sentenced.” There was a guy, one of us, who said, “[Even] when the man notified you, and he was given a day off.” People who were in the demonstrations were given paid leave, and they ended up in jail. Many people were arrested because of the demonstrations.
Anita Susuri: So only because they had the day off they were betrayed?
Xhafer Nuli: Now their superior [should answer]. I got up and said, “Slow down, it has to be explained, to be made clear. He can’t use his time off even if it was given to him. He can’t use his time off when he’s in jail.” He got up and said, “No, mind your business,” Miloš said, “Whoever gave them time off will answer.” I wasn’t sure if it was me who gave them time off or no (laughs). “Whoever gave them time off will answer even if it’s the main director of the mine.”
[The interview was interrupted here]
Anita susuri: Did you also take part in the ‘81 demonstrations?
Xhafer Nuli: No, no. To tell you the truth Stari Trg wasn’t, it was blocked in a way that you had no chance to, there wasn’t, only some individuals who were here because there was no one in the demonstrations. It was about three people and all three of them were sentenced.
Anita Susuri: We know that there were two marches that were organized by the miners and they went to Mitrovica and the second one was to Pristina I think.
Xhafer Nuli: These ones were later on, after ‘81 they slowly began, step by step. You could see that everything that was built over the years was about to die down, and return to that regime of total Serbian domination until they even started to change the Constitution. There was a debate about the Constitution at the time. First the Serbs started with gatherings, gatherings where they insulted and threw dirt, all so they could have Serbian domination. Not only in Kosovo, but primarily the main asset was Kosovo anyway, but also in Montenegro and Kosovo and Vojvodina, and all sides so they could form Greater Serbia as Milošević planned and that’s when the rallies started, they announced the Constitutional debate in a way to scare us and so that no one would move, in order to change the Constitution.
At the time I remember really well sometime in September or October they brought, Burhan Kavaja came, Aziz [Abrashi], Burhan was director of the mine, Aziz was general director, they brought Riza Smaka and Halit Muharremi, two jurists, to explain to us what the deal is with the Constitution’s change. They basically told us, “Get up because you’re damned.” To tell you the truth we got a very strong message there that we should do everything we can because…
Anita Susuri: What year was this? Before the marches?
Xhafer Nuli: Yes before the demonstrations, before the march, this was in ‘88, September of ‘88. That’s when we started to prepare and discuss, simply to discuss and oppose at all costs the changing of the Constitution, the degradation of Kosovo’s level, to oppose degradation and to demand advancement. So we could have advancement and not degradation. “We want to be equal to all other nations of Yugoslavia just like Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, Slovenians and others are.” They often say, “The miners protected the Constitution.”
They didn’t protect the Constitution, but they protected the position of Albanians so we could be equal. They demanded for Albanians to be equal to the other nations in Yugoslavia. That was the essence of all those rallies, we have always had discussions in those rallies and we more or less praised Tito, not for any other reason because that’s what we agreed upon, only to raise awareness among Croats… only so they would react. Serbs couldn’t stand Tito praise, they would react. We always mentioned Tito, “Tito gave us these rights, you want to take them away.”
And then that was over, the march to Pristina, the Miners’ March on November 17, 1988, the march began from the mine, from Stari Trg. That day, I did not go to work in the morning because I sent one of my children to the doctor. A colleague of mine called me on the phone and said, “Come, because the workers want to go to Pristina.” I went to join them. To tell you the truth, when I saw them barefoot {touches leg}, it was November, there was snow, so it was November 17. It had snowed prior to that, there was still snow in some places and it was cold.
When I saw them barefoot and poorly clothed in the work uniform, when I saw them I didn’t think they would make it to Pristina on foot. “Don’t go boys, you won’t make it to Pristina on foot.” Swear to God, I said, “Let’s try and do something, something, because in Pristina…” A worker came close to me and said, “You mean it?” To tell you the truth I enjoyed authority among them. He said, “But Burhan [Kavaja] says we should go.” “Did he say that?” “Yes.” “Then go, go!” I said. I didn’t know what the situation was like in detail, but I tried to see if we could rally there because we couldn’t walk [to Pristina]. But, maybe they had the urge [to go] because they [the marchers] were stopped in some places, and they tried to turn them back and that urged them even more, and we started in the morning, at around seven, we arrived there at around three.
I remember really well when we went to the Sultan Murat’s mausoleum, beyond the mausoleum a little further, the cops stopped us near the Gazimestan [monument], the police cordon was on both sides, they blocked the whole street. Now the workers had to confront the police. I said to some of my colleagues, “Let’s stand in front and lead the workers, because what if… now when they confront them we will calm them down and ask them to stop.” Because we pushed from behind and broke the police chain and we continued the march. But this happened quite fast because there were some Albanian policemen and the police chain was broken. They did not respond and were not violent with us. They abandoned the police and joined us at the Sports Hall in Pristina. A few workers held speeches there, a few…
Korab Krasniqi: What was talked about there, do you remember?
Xhafer Nuli: Excuse me?
Korab Krasniqi: What did they talk about?
Xhafer Nuli: It was talked about that degradation in general, “We won’t allow the degradation of Albanians’ position, we want to be equal to all the other nations and there won’t be constitutional changes like Serbia is demanding. We will never allow them,” that stuff and, “Why were Serbs allowed all these gatherings, but you’re criticizing and trying to hinder us?” That stuff.
Korab Krasniqi: Did you meet any politician?
Xhafer Nuli: Excuse me, yes.
Korab Krasniqi: Who did you meet when you arrived in Pristina?
Xhafer Nuli: Azem Vllasi came, and if I’m not mistaken, Kaqusha [Jashari] [as well], not sure if she did.
Anita Susuri: Do you remember what they said?
Xhafer Nuli: What?
Anita Susuri: What did they say?
Xhafer Nuli: Nope I don’t remember, I don’t remember but I know that they were also there.
Korab Krasniqi: How did you go back after?
Xhafer Nuli: And then we went back because there were buses behind us, we walked there but the buses were behind us. And then they arranged the buses to go back. My colleagues and I went back by car, there were some Trepça cars too.
Anita Susuri: Based on your opinion, what did you achieve that day? Was it successful?
Xhafer Nuli: It was very successful because that march opened the door for the three day marches, there were uninterrupted marches for three days, from all sides of Kosovo, from Dragash, from Gjakova, they came from all sides of Kosovo for three days and three nights until they were finally violently dispersed. Remzi Kolgeci came out and said, “Leave because… either disperse or they will finish us all.” It was finally dispersed and… the miners continued either way, some went, in almost all the rallies that were organized in Pristina, but we also held another rally the next day on [November] 18 here at the Sports Hall in Mitrovica, another rally from Stari Trg.
Anita Susuri: How did that continue? Was there pressure?
Xhafer Nuli: There was pressure. And then there were calls, all the organizers should be imprisoned or what do I know. That man Lazar Moslov used to come out and say, “I have the list,” he used to say, “of…”
Anita Susuri: The organizers.
Xhafer Nuli: “Of the organizers. I have [the list of] all 92 people who are responsible” what do I know and until later when the strike was organized. Before the strike was organized. So you know, it was discussed very well about how it would be done. “We have to go in and stay in the mine, we shouldn’t leave until all our demands are met.” That was it, it wasn’t spontaneous as some people say, it wasn’t spontaneous.
Anita Susuri: Did the leadership organize it, or what was it like?
Xhafer Nuli: To tell you the truth, it was organized in collaboration with some individuals, but also in collaboration with the directors. Yes, yes, people can say whatever they want. It was the directors, it was all of us. In some way we got the message that we should do all we can and I’m convinced that if it wasn’t for the directors… Look, the workers can be at least a little bit scared or disoriented by someone, but if they [directors] weren’t connected to the workers that strike wouldn’t happen and it wouldn’t have echoed that much.
Korab Krasniqi: Is there a main organizer? Is there someone?
Xhafer Nuli: As I said they were the main organizers there, I don’t know if they agreed with someone higher up or not. But, for us, it was Aziz and Burhan. For us it was them together with the workers, yes together with them. They couldn’t have done it alone, but they had a group of workers, Avdi Uka, Jetush Bajrami, Sefedin Istrefi, there are some others whose names I don’t know. Even Ibush [Jonuzi] was a director, but it actually wasn’t spontaneous, but it was organized.
Anita Susuri: Could you now describe to us the days while you were inside [the pit], everything that you remember?
Xhafer Nuli: As a maintenance director, I took care of things most of the time, I had to make sure the power wouldn’t go out, and the ventilator wouldn’t stop because if there was no ventilation, if there was no air they wouldn’t be able to stay there for even a moment, and then I made sure the elevator wouldn’t stop, so it would work with no issues. And then to keep all the equipment and infrastructure of the mine working. I remember really well that day at 1:00 [p.m], February 20.
[The interview was interrupted here]
Anita Susuri: Yes, at one?
Xhafer Nuli: February 20, at 1:00 [p.m], Ibush Jonuzi who was a technical director of the mine at the time called me and said, “Xhafer, the miners locked themselves in the mine,” he said, “they’re not coming out.” We already knew, “Is it happening? May it all go well!” That was done and we went, it didn’t take long, there was wind and it blew a tree down close to the Trepça school, the tree fell on the electricity wires. It caused a short circuit. To tell you the truth I was really worried, it could happen, the power could go out. I remember it as a moment, it was a really scary moment for me, but we managed to avoid that problem and there were no other problems concerning electricity supply and ventilation and stuff like that, which were necessary for the mine.
We went there, we began. It’s true, it’s true that they went there, they were organized to supposedly tell them to go out, but we never told them to go out, but only to protect themselves, to avoid harm, to protect their health as much as possible. There was a strong self-denial for some time, so strong that people started to get sick because they stayed in the whole time. And then our shoes were on, I remember my feet started to get wounded because we didn’t take our shoes off for eight days and eight nights.
In the beginning, they had to take the workers who got sick at Mitrovica’s hospital, but, apparently, this was organized too, a driver came crying and said, “I can’t take you there because I tried and they didn’t take care of my sick relative. They said, ‘shoo, get away from here,’ they mistreated me.’” And then we began to set up a temporary ambulance in Stari Trg. That’s what we requested, the Red Cross of Kosovo brought us 300 beds and 600 blankets, we arranged them in the spaces that were available and a team of doctors came from Pristina led by Skender Boshnjaku who was Minister of Health at the time.
I remember they called Skender Boshnjaku, from the Ministry of Serbia, they really did, “What’s happening there? Do you need us to send doctors?” It wasn’t about the doctors, but they wanted to send agents and disperse the strike. He said, “I don’t need doctors, send medication. I have enough doctors, I don’t need more.” “No, we’ll bring them to you,” “Don’t send even one doctor,” he said, “send me medication if you have any.” Nobody sent them. A truck with medication arrived from the Slovenian Red Cross and even they were tortured in Raška. When he arrived he was…
Anita Susuri: The driver?
Xhafer Nuli: No, the representative of the Red Cross, he almost went mad, “They treated me so badly,” that Slovenian said. But, they couldn’t totally stop him because he was from Slovenia, they didn’t dare to just do that. They brought us a truck with medication from Slovenia.
Korab Krasniqi: How did you manage to get food?
Xhafer Nuli: About the food, people from all over Kosovo started to send food, as much as they could. I remember a man from Mitrovica, some Musa Brena brought his cow, it was about 500-600 kilograms, he tied it to the fence and said, “Slaughter it and give it to the miners so they have food.” Even though the strike was referred to as a “hunger strike,” but it wasn’t a hunger strike because we sent them food, we sent them food.
Anita Susuri: As far as I know it was the fourth day. It started the fourth day.
Xhafer Nuli: Like that, they didn’t eat for two or three days, but they started eating later, we did send them [food]. There were some who tried to make a problem out of it, “No, this is a hunger strike,” but everything went well.
Korab Krasniqi: What was it like not going outside? What did you do?
Xhafer Nuli: I did go out, I didn’t stay there all the time because as I mentioned I had to take care of some things. But…
Korab Krasniqi: What was the atmosphere like inside?
Xhafer Nuli: We found them gathered every time we went there. The atmosphere was quite difficult. We had cases, for example when people were so desperate, so much that [they would say], “I will go jump in the well and die because I can’t, I can’t.” The other [would say], “If I die,” he said, “bury me in this manufactory, cover me, I don’t want to go out,” the other said this, the other said that. Something really took over them… it was terrifying, it was terrifying. But, whatever happened, it was pride. It was pride because they felt pride that they’re doing something, we used to send them the newspaper, we sent them information to show them that the whole world is supporting them and sending them food, like that.
When it came to the food I remember a case, some people from Lipjan came, they brought a lot of aid, but lastly they also gave us two onions {shows with hands}, “And old woman gave these to us, she said, ‘I have nothing else to give, I want to give these two onions’ she wants to give these, to bring you two onions.” And then a family, husband and wife, brought two golden lira [coins], “We want to contribute this for the miners.” There were…
Korab Krasniqi: How did the miners communicate with their families? Was there communication?
Xhafer Nuli: There wasn’t, only the ones that came, they came there to visit, to know how they were doing, “Tell them I’m okay, go home,” “What do you mean go home?” “Don’t bother us.”
Anita Susuri: Who were the people visiting? Who came there?
Xhafer Nuli: There were visits from all around Kosovo. And then I remember a special case when Azem Vllasi came for example, at the same time with the people from Serbia’s Union, but we had to, we had to send Azem to an office there, “Wait till they go,” so they wouldn’t run into each other, and then Azem went and visited them too. And then there were people from all over, how do I say, I don’t even know who it was anymore…
Korab Krasniqi: One of the demands was to…?
Xhafer Nuli: The demands, there were nine demands from the miners. One of them was, “United Nations, Yugoslavia is not capable of providing a solution, we want the United Nations to deal with our case.”
Anita Susuri: To intervene.
Xhafer Nuli: To intervene and determine our status, where we’re at, that we were mistreated.
Korab Krasniqi: Who did you ask to resign and why?
Xhafer Nuli: And one of the demands was for three people to resign. Rrahman Morina, Hysamedin Azemi and Ali Shukriu.
Korab Krasniqi: Why?
Xhafer Nuli: Because all three of them positioned themselves, how to say, on Serbia’s side, of Milošević and they supported the changing of the Constitution at all costs, to degrade everything that was Albanian. They joined there when Rrahman Morina was upstairs. Rrahman was upstairs, he came down and said, “Go tell Aziz and the others, ‘Bring out the workers from the mine.’” They said, “Rrahman, the workers are demanding your resignation. Resign and don’t bring all these people down with you. Don’t let them…” He said, “No I can’t, I can’t dare to resign, I can’t.” It was exactly like that, I remember it very well.
Korab Krasniqi: Did Rrahman ask to join you?
Xhafer Nuli: No, this only happened at the director’s office because he wouldn’t even dare to go to the mine, they wouldn’t accept him.
Anita Susuri: Which one of the leaders went down to the mine for example?
Xhafer Nuli: From the leaders, it was Syria Popovci. Syria didn’t contribute in the way he should’ve. To tell you the truth we really valued him as a professor, but I don’t know why he tried to justify the constitutional changes. We already knew what they meant. There were some others but I don’t remember. I mentioned Azem, [but] Azem wasn’t even in position because they had dismissed him earlier.
Korab Krasniqi: Did Stipe Šuvar visit you?
Xhafer Nuli: Excuse me?
Korab Krasniqi: Stipe Šuvar?
Xhafer Nuli: Stipe, they started to come from Yugoslavia later. Stipe Šuvar came, there was also Radiša Gačić and Jurij Bajec. They tried to convince the miners to go out. But, the miners gave them a very clear answer… I even remember very well when Stipe Šuvar came out he said, “What’s his position?” About Mursel Haziri. Mursel Haziri was one of the strikers and he was later imprisoned with the other strikers. Mursel said, “Who is organizing the gatherings in Vojvodina?” He said, “They’re saying the people are. Who is organizing the gatherings in Montenegro? They’re saying the people are,” he said, “What are we?” He was stuck and didn’t know what to say. “Why isn’t it okay for us to do this but it is for them?” And when he [Stipe] came out he said, “Him, what’s his position,” he said. “A miner,” they said. He said, “It’s a waste that he’s there. He should be here with us,” as in he doesn’t belong there (laughs).
Anita Susuri: Knowledgeable.
Xhafer Nuli: “Because he won’t let us speak. He should’ve been here,” he said, “together with us.”
Korab Krasniqi: You requested for Stipe Šuvar and Milošević to visit you. Why did you want to meet them?
Xhafer Nuli: It was a request, not for something…
Korab Krasniqi: To let them know what…
Xhafer Nuli: Just to let them know that their attempts are in vain because they won’t be on our good side as long as they are trying to degrade [Kosovo’s position]. They, Dizdarević came too. Disdarević didn’t come to Trepça later, but went to Pristina. A group of five people went to Pristina to talk to him. Dizdarević didn’t have power, no power at all, he just got a position and couldn’t do anything. Gračanin was with him too. He was a military, he was a very, how to say, sneaky and vile military. He then said, “Get the workers out to resign.”
The condition was that in order for the workers to leave the mine, they [politicians] should resign first. Then the other demands could be met after the miners were out of the mine, but without the resignation of the three of them they wouldn’t leave the mine. Gračanin said, “Well we can’t just resign like that because what do we do if Serbs come down to Leposavić?” And that’s what happened. So, we were prepared for the other scenario as well, [we were aware] that the Serbs would rise as well.
[The interview was interrupted here]
And then when they came, when we [the leaders] got out of the mine, Šuvar and that other man, we requested to organize a conference outside in a restaurant, and the Serbian press was there, in a way to make it seem that they [Serbs] had taken the miners out. But, no one went, only us, the organizational leaders, the directors and heads, three or four people, even Aziz couldn’t have any effect. So, the strike continued.
And later on, they resigned, they brought the resignations and they [the miners] said, “No we want…” They only showed them the signatures that they’re resigning. They said, “Not only the signature, but we want to see the stamp,” they said (laughs), with the stamp. “With the stamp, go send them to the Committee, at least the Committee should prove that these people have resigned.” They brought them to the miners, they stamped it and showed the resignations, but that was all a trick. None of the resignations went through, and then the retaliation started. After, after the strike, all of those workers were persecuted one by one, they were… whoever was more vocal, whoever was more active, they were all… these are some details that I remember.
Korab Krasniqi: I have one [more] question and I’ll stop. After you managed to communicate your political demands through the strike and the march, what economic consequences did this eight-day shut off have in Yugoslavia?
Xhafer Nuli: The eight-day shut off didn’t have much consequences, but there, not only this shut off. There was no proper work in Trepça anymore after that time period because it was broken, there was an initiative, an initiative that they won’t allow to be exploited anymore, there won’t be benefits. Before, Trepça’s impact was really strong. Trepça was an economic giant of its own which provided a lot, it is even considered one of the first industries in former Yugoslavia.
But, there was no proper work afterwards. Every time after the eight-day strike, every month, they started to persecute about 14 of us and Lazër Krasniqi and this… all 14 of the mine leaders, Lazër Krasniqi and Azem Vllasi who were together with them. They were imprisoned. And around one hundred others were prosecuted for criminal offenses for being active in the strike and they were imprisoned for up to three months. While they [mine leaders] were accused of counterrevolution and sentenced to many years in prison.
They didn’t take them all at once. I remember Veli Osmani very well, he was one of the most vocal activists of the strike. He used to say, “When they took me and sent me to prison, it was like the world became mine.” They used to release him at day, but took him and tortured him all night. On the other hand, the propaganda was spreading, “Veli Osmani betrayed his friends.” We had many headaches, many problems. Should’ve told them, “It had to be organized. Stop, the propaganda is coming from all sides, let’s not allow it.”
Anita Susuri: The day when the strike ended and you saw the workers, what state were they in? What did you see that day?
Xhafer Nuli: That was a very difficult situation because everyone… there was also a Croatian physician here, Slobodan Lang. He was a supporter and he came from Croatia. He was there when the miners got out. He even gave the idea that the miners should come out at two in the morning, on February 28 at two in the morning the miners came out. So that they wouldn’t come out to light after [an eight-day long] darkness because they could go blind, they would cover their eyes with bandages even though the light wasn’t that strong, it was night. He gave this [recommendation] so they would slowly adapt.
But, those ambulance stations, the temporary one was left with many beds, full of people, but the police got there immediately, the agents went in and raided them, they got them and threw them out. And then the persecution of them one by one began. Some were imprisoned earlier, some later, but those 14 [leaders] were imprisoned immediately. And then the persecutions for offenses began, interrogating everyone one by one whoever was there, in a way that…
Anita Susuri: Did they interrogate you?
Xhafer Nuli: They did interrogate me. They even used different tactics. They took me in for questioning, they called me and said, “Come to Tuneli i Parë at the entrance where the gate is.” Going to Tuneli i Parë from Stari Trg was a tough road, but that was one of their tactics after the strike. A tactic in order to see who you hung out with, so they could blame you by association. I said, “No, I won’t come!” They asked, “What?” On the phone, “You’re saying you won’t come?” I said, “Come if you want to, I’m in my office in Trepça. Come and pick me up at my office, or send me to the [Police] Secretariat, or whatever you want. But I won’t come to the streets and alleys.”
Two people came accompanied by a third, it was Golud from Zveçan who called me. He came with another person, someone from Vojvodina and then they began. Truth be told, the discussion and the interview, the interrogation was easier in my territory, it was easier than going through all that mess. In my territory it was easier.
Anita Susuri: What did they ask you for example?
Xhafer Nuli: Well they asked me, “What was your role in these strikes?” I said, “We didn’t divide our roles, we didn’t act in a movie. I know my role of work, my role is to keep the machines, elevator, ventilator, the electricity and the water pumps working. These things, these are my duties and no one can stop me from doing them, I have them assigned by contract.” “Well,” they said, “you got in front of the police cordon in Gazimestan there and you dispersed the cordon.” “Well,” I said, Golub knew me {shows with hand} he couldn’t imagine. “You probably didn’t know me. Did you think,” because he was the one asking me, “Did you think I was physically capable enough to disperse the police cordon.” “No,” he said, “when someone has [body] mass they’re very strong,” he said. “No,” I said, “those are fairytales. Leave these fairytales” and stuff like this.
But, I remember another (laughs) detail. During that time period since they were taken to prison, I kept a Trepça jacket with me all the time because what do you know it could be cold in prison (laughs). A technical director had noticed me, some Nexhat, he noticed me, “Why are you keeping this?” I said, “Well do you want me to tell you the truth?” He said, “Say it.” I said, “I’m just expecting them to grab me [and send me to prison] so at least I’ll be warm” {touches his jacket}.
Anita Susuri: To be prepared.
Xhafer Nuli: “And when they beat me up, maybe they won’t take my jacket off and I’ll take the hits easier.”
