Part Two
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: Now I’d like to begin with the student years. I enrolled. In the first year, I completed all the exams within the year. Extremely happy, overjoyed. Always… we didn’t have a phone at home, we used the neighbor’s. Whenever I passed an exam, I’d call and ask, “Can someone go tell my dad I passed the exam?” It was a special joy. A celebration for the whole family. In the second year of studies, I was… we read literature constantly. I always read books, novels, studied, I don’t even need to mention it, and also the newspapers that came from abroad.
Usually through my uncle, Agim Paqarizi, Avdyl Krasniqi, Xhevë Lladrovci’s father, and other activists, who always supplied us, but in the most secretive way possible. We read in secret, we distributed them, and we acted. My older sister, who wasn’t at university with me, would see us reading books and say, “Read your schoolbooks, leave those.” Because she’d see the newspapers that talked about the future, how things should function, how Kosovo should develop. Like Zëri i Popullit, Gazeta Liria, and books like Titistët (The Titists), Gjarpërinjtë e Gjakut (The Blood Serpents).
There were novels I couldn’t help but read because of my curiosity, and simply because of my father’s advice: you must read, read a lot, always read. He used to say, “The one who reads, advances.” That was his philosophy, the more you read, the better. And it’s true. Correct. I had the opportunity, as a student, to live and act together with Xhevë Lladrovci, Xhevë Krasniqi, really, Lladrovci was her husband’s surname. We worked together, lived in the same room, slept in the same room.
I was very impulsive, very lively, very, I don’t even know the word, like… I was full of energy. She was very calm, quiet, polite, wise. I have no words to define her personality. During the time before 1981, before March ‘81, I was reading the book Do të jetojmë ndryshe (We Will Live Differently) by Dhimitër Xhuvani. The entire book was about how protests are organized, how demonstrations are initiated, who starts them, how to shout slogans, what to do, how to write pamphlets. It was very interesting.
Also, a month before the protests, before the protests happened, we read a lot of Constitutional Rights. In fact, I still have the notebook from that time, because books were hard to buy. In this notebook, I wrote down all the political freedoms, what political freedom means, what freedom of the press means, what the right to self-determination means, freedom of public assembly, freedom of expression for the nation, freedom of belief, personal freedom, and so many more.
On February 9, 1981, I had studied all these in Constitutional Rights, plus that book by Dhimitër Xhuvani, We Will Live Differently. So, I was overloaded with knowledge, with things that could help us. At that time, of course, I had a lot of understanding from my father too, and from the regime that was the regime it was for the entire Albanian population.
My father always used to say, “If you study and become strong individuals and finish university, we won’t need to resist the Serbs. The Serbs will leave on their own, just as they came to Kosovo, they will go. But you study, and you take their place. Become independent. Study as much as you can. Once you finish university and take a job, you remove a Serb.” And that was true, his words were true.
So, I’m talking about the time before the March 11 demonstrations, we read a lot, we had a lot of meetings, we had so many ideas. Why, for example, don’t students from the other republics and the two autonomous provinces, the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the Socialist Province of Vojvodina, have the same rights as Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Macedonia? It was so strange. When the moment came, on March 11, a football match had been scheduled and in the evening, we usually went to the student canteen to eat. I remember it like today, my sister and I used to go together.
There were these tokens used to get food. One token would get you one plate of food. Due to our financial situation at home, with one token we would both eat from one plate, me and my sister. We’d wait in line for hours. The line… there were over 30,000 students at the University of Prishtina. We would wait in line to get our food. My sister, at that time, in 1981, wasn’t there, we did not have the means for her to be there in 1981, and she was in Prizren, working at the loom. I was there, in that chaos beyond measure, waiting in line.
When we got close to getting the food, I overheard some male voices behind me, among them were Bajram Kosumi, Kadri Kryeziu, Jonuz Jonuzi from Drenas, and Ramadan Dobra, who now goes by Gashi, he was the leader. They were saying, “Today we must begin the protest.” I heard what they said and was surprised by those words. The second I got close to take my food plate, I threw it, there was one Serbian and one Albanian woman handing out food. I don’t know, I just left the line, that group of Bajram Kosumi and Jonuz and Kadri were already waiting, we started flipping over all the tables in the canteen.
Kadri knows, I remember Bajram telling me, “Leave, go to the dormitory.” All the girls got scared and ran out from the door below, because we were on the second floor, where we ate. I was the only [girl] , all the way to the last table that was there to be turned, we turned them. Both the men and women were surprised: How did I dare? Why? In a way, it’s very strange that I didn’t feel fear. Literature influenced me a lot to act in that form and that way, and also the advice of my father, and also of Xhevë’s father.
Avdyl Krasniqi was one of the main actors who always advised us, guided us that it doesn’t have to go like this. Youth, students can make big revolutions. I always remembered his words as well as those of my father. But he always with this philosophy that one must be educated and with education everything is achieved, with education, not with power, not with violence. When I went on March 11 I started… After all the chaos in the canteen was over, we went down to the Committee, the Provincial Committee [of the League of Communists]. At first, we were saying we want better conditions, not to wait two hours, three hours to get a plate of food.
When we got to the Committee, the police surrounded us. They didn’t accept to see us, and no representative of the institutions came out to talk. They pushed us away, we returned to the dormitory. In the courtyard of the dormitories, we lit a big fire with tires, with… The dormitory number 5 was under construction, and we were the girls of dormitory number 4. We stayed until the morning in the courtyard of the dormitories. Then I went to Prizren by bus. We returned to the dormitory initially, because I’m forgetting, we gathered in the room, we said, “What will we do next?”
It was decided that on March 26 to gather again, and again to make another demonstration. That night I went to get warmer clothes in Prizren and I told my father, I explained dad this and that, “We started, I started it first,” “Aiii,” he said, “my child, didn’t I tell you it should be through education? Because you don’t know who Serbia is. Listen, my child, to what I’m telling you, because I don’t want to criticize you for what you did even if you started it but Serbia will not leave Kosovo for 30 years.” I [said], “No, all the students are up.” Youth, enthusiasm, enthusiastic. He said, “Hopefully, my child, it turns out as you think but it’s not possible to turn out like you think.” I said, “On the 26th, we will gather again and ask for what belongs to us, we’re not asking for anything more.”
On the 26th, in the early morning, thousands of students, the whole courtyard of the dormitories was full of students. There then came our representatives, that is, professors, and also those of the Provincial Council, all the political structures. They tried to convince us not to continue, to disperse. But there was no chance to stop that enthusiasm of ours. I even remember today Ali Lajçi, he was the mayor of Peja, had a beard, was very thin. They lifted him up on some sort of, I don’t know what it was, like a bin. He spoke so nicely, so well that he gave us strength, he gave us some sort of force. I don’t know, really, absolutely none of us had fear. Again, we started to go out to the city’s center to protest.
We had police all around us on all sides. I myself don’t know what kind of feeling and what kind of situation it was, with those chants and the posters we wrote, the pamphlets we threw on the streets, it’s strange how we managed from the 11th to the 26th, we prepared and distributed hundreds of them. Bac Agim, now I’m connecting it here, on March 11, I informed him that this and this happened. He had graduated, is a historian, had finished the Faculty of History, was working in Rahovec in the high school. He was a history teacher in the Gymnasium of Rahovec.
I said, “On the 26th we will gather.” He said, “On the 26th I will also be there.” He came. We were surrounded the whole day. Then, in the evening, they started with smoke to us… the smoke was very heavy, tear gas and they dispersed us. Then, from March 26 to April 1 and 2 ,when the protests happened, imagine, Xhevë and I distributed the pamphlets in the dark, when it got dark, all over Prishtina and all over, after midnight until 03:00-04:00 in the morning. But I always wore my father’s white cap, my father’s clothes and I took them secretly. And Xhevë was in Prizren. I’m talking about Prizren, because in Prishtina it wasn’t a problem, we were in the dormitory.
Absolutely we weren’t afraid like they say, neither of animals, nor of dogs, nor of people. Nothing, nothing, nothing, absolutely. As if we were grown men who are not afraid. Often my father would say to me, “You should be afraid.” “No,” I would say, “I’m not scared. Why should I be scared?” “Why should you be scared?” he would say, “because you are a woman. You don’t have the strength, you don’t have the ability to face someone if someone comes at you.” He meant the male gender. What happened after… and on April 1 and 2, then it started in all of Kosovo, in all corners. Because you are young you don’t know you can’t even imagine what happened [Addressing the interlocutors].
Why did people from all cities start to arrive in Pristina and come to protest and go out in front of tanks and go out in front of people who were armed to the teeth with those helmets, with shields and yet they don’t know how to be afraid? Absolutely this only happened among Albanians. Truly the demonstrations of 1981 were a turning point, not only for us in Kosovo that from then on, and also the demonstration of 1968, historically people suffered and acted and paid a very high price. But simply it opened the way also to the other republics of former Yugoslavia to disperse, simply to become independent states and to function and to act. What after the protests…
Anita Susuri: I just want to ask you one more thing…
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: Go ahead, maybe I’ll forget something. Please, ask me freely.
Anita Susuri: On March 26, the relay also arrived…
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: Yes, very good that you reminded me.
Anita Susuri: I’m interested when you were in the dorm room, who was there with you and more specifically what did you discuss and how did you decide to act on March 26?
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: On March 11, we decided that night around the fire that we would do the protest on March 26. On March 26, we said that if the people don’t rise up too, it’s in vain, but we won’t stop. Now, the strategy was that everyone should act in their own city. Organize everyone in their own city to have protests. I went once with Xheva to distribute the pamphlets. I said, “I’ll take Prizren.” Xhevë came with me to Prizren. We went by bus. It was easy for me to leave the house because my father in a way didn’t watch over me, since he didn’t know that I would go out at night to distribute letters.
On the 26th, the relay was supposed to arrive. We did it [chose that day] intentionally to have more people, to have a crowd. Because students, not just students, but also high school and elementary school students went out to the streets. It was all a kind of symbolism to receive the relay at that time and to have as many people as possible. So that was very interesting, the arrival of the relay in Pristina. There was a woman, I forget the names now, who is said to have accompanied the relay, who brought it. Sanije, Sanije was her name. I can’t remember the last name. Sanije. I seem to recognize her face, meaning I know who she was.
That’s why when the relay came, there was indeed turmoil. Then, there was mistreatment. Because when we entered the dorms after we returned, they also threw tear gas inside, and everyone… now I’m connecting it, because it’s very good you reminded me. When they started with the gas, we couldn’t jump from the third and fourth floors. When we started to go out the door, the police were there and as much as they could, they used violence on our bodies until we exited the dorm. In fact, sometimes… I gave birth to four children, I haven’t spoken about my children.
Anita Susuri: We will get there.
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: We will get there. They beat me and my back was marked in stripes. With those batons, when they hit you once, it stretches and is simply a kind of rubber that is very heavy. Ideology is important. When you have a pure ideology and especially after reading, after the advice, after everything we had previously, you don’t feel the pain, it doesn’t hurt, how should I say. You are so strong that no matter what happens, you can’t say that it hurts. Not at all. The ideal is stronger than the pain. The ideal is very, very… ideology, that is, ingrained in the head, is stronger than spiritual and physical pain in the body. So…
Anita Susuri: These leaflets you distributed, where did you write them? How did you write them?
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: They were brought to me written. That means… and I know that the main initiator who had connections abroad, they were written in Switzerland, in Germany, that means they were passed hand to hand. But all of them were brought to me by my uncle, uncle Agim with his friends whose names I don’t remember now. Avdyl Krasniqi, Xhevë’s father, and Kadri. It also happened that Kadri brought them to me, and we returned them.
We just read them. For example, he said, “Read them.” Because the magazines were a few pages, not big. Liria for example, Zëri i Popullit, Kushtrimi. They didn’t have many pages. He said, “You have 24 or 48 hours to read them because they must be returned.” We stayed up, reading them until morning, until morning, we brought them close to bed and read them.
It’s interesting, because earlier I didn’t say, Xhevë was there [in the dorm room], my sister for a while but then she didn’t meet the criteria, and [she was replaced by] a friend of mine, the name doesn’t matter. People who had benefits from the regime and good conditions listened to Serbian language and songs. It always bothered me and Xhevë. It often happened that when our friend left the room, because we were together, Xheva changed the station and put on Radio Tirana. Naturally, sometimes we had tensions. But life, as they say, is a matter of “interest” in quotation marks logically.
This friend of mine always… I was very attached to my father. If I didn’t see him for a month or two, I would go crazy. We didn’t have much money. We planned it for food, for a book, for basic things. It happened that she often paid my ticket from Prizren, from Pristina to Prizren. I’m grateful that she paid for the ticket because she had the means. Her father was a director, they had much better conditions under the old system. She did not care and I never dared to give her the literature to read.
Ideologically we weren’t on the same line. I was ideologically aligned with Xhevë, she was completely differently, she had an ideology… because she had everything. Ideology is very strange and maybe material goods and economic situation affect the mind to think differently. Simply those who were employed under the old regime naturally weren’t bothered and lived well. But we, for example, my father and mother were illiterate, not employed, many children, a lot of poverty, we had an ideology, always trying to achieve something, to do something in all possible ways.
Truly we succeeded, because if there hadn’t been people with ideology, changes wouldn’t happen, revolutions wouldn’t happen. Without sacrifice, good things don’t come. You must sacrifice to destroy something, to fix it. So, I absolutely do not regret anything I did. Just that I simply feel sorry for my parent, that maybe I caused him emotional pain because he maybe, not maybe but really, was afraid, saying, “Oh daughter, you won’t finish university. Bad things will happen now.” Truly, after the protests, sanctions began, bad things started happening to me.
In July, on July 11, 1981, they surrounded the house, and the police came to arrest me. We were there, my sister and I, the time was 07:00 in the morning, maybe even earlier. We had just finished. We had started at 06:00 and by 07:00, they had arrived early. Starting that fabric they say, taking it through lakes and slopes, those threads. One this way, one that way. Bam, bam {onomatopoeia} knocking at the door. A neighbor came in first, my father opened the door. “Oh Bac Rexhë, the police have come.” “Ok, fine. What’s up?” “Where do you have the students?” He said, “Here are the students, working.”
They came up to the balcony. It was summer, July, the window was open. My father, I remember as if it were today, said, “Oh Bahrie, come with daddy, the police are calling you,” “Okay, dad.” I got up from there. I was wearing a short-sleeved blouse and pants, jeans, I remember clearly. Mom said, “Oh for God’s sake, put on a sweater.” She had grabbed a sweater in her hand and offered it to me. In the heat of summer, a winter sweater. “Why should I wear it, mom?” “Just wear it, dear.” Her purpose was to protect me. If the beat me, it would hurt less. She said, “Put some pajama under your jeans.” “No mom, I can’t wear that, it is hot.” I listened to her. I had a feeling and put those on. They took me away.
I was leaving… they tied my hands. Leaving the yard gate, there was also an Albanian among the Serbs. “Oh mixhë,” my father was walking with a cane, not saying a word, lit a cigarette. “Oh mixhë, we just want to ask her something,” you know, like, it’s not a big deal. “Oh good boy,” my father said, “listen here. Do you see Sfileni?” Sfileni is the highest peak, the mountain above Prizren. “Hopefully, my daughter has done something as great as Sfileni for her state, for her country. It’s not a problem, good boy, go.” I went in the car. Those jeeps were black.
I said, “Dad, don’t worry, freedom to the people, death to fascism.” That was our expression, that’s how we greeted each other. The policeman lowered my hand. I had both hands tied like this {shows raised tied hands}. He said, “Sit down.” He spoke in Serbian, “Don’t move.” They took me and brought me to a small room, very small. A small table, a pencil, a paper. “Take it,” he said, “write what you did on March 11.” I pushed the pencil and the paper and said, “I didn’t do anything. What did I do?” “What did you do on March 11 and with whom were you and who organized the protests?” Demonstrations then, they did not call them protests, demonstrations.
I said, “I am a student,” “Write.” “No, no,” I said, “I have nothing to write. I am a student and of course I ate at that cafeteria where all the students ate. I happened to be there…” because now you had to… Avdyli, dad, advise us, “You have to know how to defend yourself even when in unpleasant situations, you shouldn’t say, ‘Oh yes, I did this and that.’” We knew, both Kadri and I and everyone, we met and talked so that it wouldn’t happen that we give each other up. No matter the torture or whatever happened to us, don’t talk that there is this and this and this. Truly, I did not make a mark on that notebook, I did not write one word.
They tied me to the radiator. “We’ll kill you, better write what you did and who was there,” “You can kill me, do whatever you want but you can’t scare me. I was at the cafeteria, I happened to be there that day.” “Write it.” “Here, I’ll tell you orally.” I was very determined and really didn’t write anything. Truly didn’t want to write a single word… “Kadri says, Bajram says,” this one says, “that you started it.” “No, that’s not true.” Because you had to say it that way to avoid triggering other thing. They kept me there for 48 hours.
The same day they arrested everyone. In the morning, they took Kadri at 11:00. You know, they surrounded all their places too, where they were because it was vacation time. Usually during holidays there are no lectures at the university, exams are in June, July. During the time I was in detention, a distant cousin of my father, Azem Kastrati, worked, he had a higher education. He had studied together with the former police commander of the Prizren Region, some Krasniqi. What was his first name, I can’t remember.
He said, “Your cousin is talking.” He added, “No, man, she’s from poor parents, they barely sent her to school, she can’t be saying anything.” He said, “Listen, I’m telling you to release her.” Sadri told him, “There’s nothing from them, they have no connection.” He tried, for the sake of my father who was truly capable and understood even as an educated man. What happened? After 48 hours… Neither Kadri nor Bajram nor any of them mentioned my name to say she was involved, she did this, no. “There were thousands of students, we do not know who the woman was who threw the plate.” I just want to thank the entire group behind me, those I heard saying we were about to start the demonstration.
I was lucky… if I hadn’t read the book We Will Live Differently, which was all about how to start demonstrations, how to shout slogans, what to do, maybe I wouldn’t have known how to carry out those actions I did on March 11. In fact, after 48 hours they released me. They monitored me, of course, whom I contacted, what I was doing, because that’s how the regime’s tactics were. Kadri was sentenced to ten years, Bajram, Jonuz, Ramadan, all of them were sentenced. Ali Lajçi too, even more. All were sentenced, I was spared and I must thank that distant cousin of my father and just that commander’s readiness who gave order to release me or continue [holding me].
I was released but even after release it started then… I was a scholarship holder of a synthetic fiber organization in Prizren due to the conditions… at the same time I had registered in two faculties, now I remember, Law and Pedagogy. The goal was to receive… back then students were given loans, scholarships without distinction. It was interesting. Education was very favorable. Not much, but at least minimal. Since both of us were studying, also my sisters at the same time. The accusation began at the faculty.
They sent me a letter at home to answer some questions. This organization where I had won the scholarship said I had to respond. Many questions. Not good questions, logical but provocative questions in the sense of, who are you, how are you. Now I don’t remember exactly. What did I do? I took it and wrote, here you can even see the proposed accusation, Law Faculty. I kept it, it’s pure chance that it was preserved from the war. Disciplinary trial for a student based on Article 45, paragraph two, point three, can I read it?
Anita Susuri: Yes, yes
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: And {reads} “According to Article 431 of the Criminal Procedure Code and in relation to Article 112 of the Statute of the Faculty of Law in Pristina, I submit this indictment against Bahrie Kastrati, born on 05.03.1960 in the village of Turjaka, municipality of Rahovec, with permanent residence in Prizren, Brahim Rexha Street, number six, third-year law student at the Faculty of Law, on the grounds that… in the letter, this letter from Progress, the synthetic filament industry in Prizren, number 21/81 dated April 27, 1981, from which she also received a scholarship, and in which letter this company, after the outbreak of the March and April 1981 demonstrations, requested some information from the accused, she expressed nationalistic viewpoints by responding in the letter as follows…”
I will now say how I responded. It doesn’t matter where I lived. Because there they asked where I had lived during… I answered, it doesn’t matter where I lived, nor do I want to be a member of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia! My declaration regarding national identity during registration is and will always remain Albanian!!! Just as I had written by hand, they wrote it the same way. As for the scholarship, you have no right to stop it even if we don’t send the information you requested. Meaning now I’m also answering, you don’t have the right to stop my scholarship.
{Continues to read} “With which she committed the disciplinary offense under Article 101, paragraph one, point three of the Statute of the Faculty of Law in Pristina. For this, I propose that the main hearing session be scheduled at this court, during which the disciplinary prosecutor for students and the accused Bahrie Kastrati shall be summoned, and that an examination be conducted of the letter…” that letter I wrote, “containing nationalistic content, dated 17.04.1981, which the enterprise had sent to the accused. An examination shall also be conducted of document number four, 218, from the self-management body of the said enterprise, in which a decision was made to terminate the scholarship.”
So, they terminated my scholarship. “Against the accused, and according to an examination of the letter from the commission to the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP) and the social self-management of this enterprise, dated April 27, 1981, as well as the related letter and photo, after the completion of the main hearing and the presentation of proposed and necessary additional evidence, the defendant shall be declared guilty and shall be sentenced with the disciplinary measure foreseen under Article 98, paragraph two, points one and two of the statute of this faculty.” The disciplinary prosecutor for students of the Faculty of Law, Rexhep Murati, he was an assistant professor. He brought the accusation.
“The disciplinary court, by verdict based on the provisions of the statute, declares the accused Bahrie Kastrati,” can’t read it, “born on March 5, 1960, in the village of Turjaka, Municipality of Rahovec, with permanent residence in Prizren, Brahim Rexha Street, is guilty because in the letter to Progres…” what I just read, I said I didn’t want to become a member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. I won’t read it all so I don’t waste your time. They expelled me, didn’t let me register for the semester for three years, and denied me my right. I can give you these documents in written form if you need them.
Now, when they removed me, during this disciplinary process in the faculty, one of the commission members was the late Bardhyl Çaushi, professor of Roman Law in Gjakova. I spoke even harsher than what I had written in the letter because I was in the faculty. He was looking at me since there were also those tied to the regime. There was no chance. He was opening his eyes wide, looking at me. A sort of signal to understand: this can’t go on. I never had any shame but always had that courage I had since I was a child and grown up as a student. They really decided to expel me and not allow me to sit exams.
When it ended, a student came and said, “Go outside, Professor Bardhyl is calling you,” he said, “come to the sixth floor.” I remember as if it were today, in the faculty, in the office. I asked why he was calling me. When I went, he said, “Listen,” he said, “Bahrie. What do your parents do for work?” “Nothing, they’re illiterate.” “How many children are you?” “Nine alive, one brother passed away.” “Do you know how important your education is?” “Yes, I know,” I said, “my father allowed us, no other girl from our neighborhood or village has been to school except my sister and me.” He said, “You,” he said, “even though I’ve observed you several times, attend every exam. Study more than you’ve studied until now. If, eventually, a professor says you don’t have the right to take the exam, just leave and come tell me.”
He simply wanted to protect my interests. Because if I hadn’t gone to university for three years, what would have happened? I would have gotten married somewhere and I would’ve been stopped. I passed every single exam. We had sociology; the sociology exam was given by an old professor. He took the register, looked at it with glasses and said, “You,” he said… in front of the students, the hall was full. Before, we would enter the hall and take the questions, three questions, you’d draw a ticket, and you had the questions, not oral questioning. What did the sociology professor do? He saw my name there. He said, “You didn’t have the right,” he said, “to sit the exam.”
I didn’t say a word, I knew, who knows what would happen to me, because I was young. If it were today, I’d know how to react but back then… just tears were streaming down my face. He said, “Step outside but wait a bit. Then he turned to the students,” he said, “listen here. This girl,” he said, “steals from the state, she ruins the state, she destroys the state,” he said, “she didn’t have the right to sit the exam, but she signed up. She,” he said, “is the one who wanted to destroy Yugoslavia.” That hit me even harder. When he said, “Get out,” I was trembling. I went straight to Professor Bardhyl. He wasn’t there, I waited at the door, he came.
I said, “The sociology professor took my index and said I should be expelled entirely, not just not allowed to take the exam but removed from the faculty altogether. That’s what he said.” He said, “Listen,” he said, “is there still time for the exam?” “Yes,” I said, “three or four more days, there are many students.” He said, “Not tomorrow, but the day after, in the morning before the professor arrives, wait at the door. When he enters, say ‘Good morning, I apologize professor,’ just say that.” Back then we didn’t have that closeness between professors and students.
He told me that, so I went. He said, “Don’t ask for the index, don’t react at all. Enter and stay there even if you just listen. Next time, take this subject voluntarily but when the assistant is asking, not this professor.” The assistant was someone else. His assistant. He was even a rector. What was his name again? Now I can’t remember. I just can’t remember…
Anita Susuri: Ibrahim?
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: No, no. It was Sadiku, his last name was Sadiku, he was also a rector in the law faculty.
Anita Susuri: Ah, in the law faculty.
Bahrie Kastrati Besimi: In the law faculty, yes. The next time, in the next exam term, he said, “I will take your index.” He had taken the index, and after a student brought it to me during the lecture. Because we used to attend third- and fourth-year lectures together, and he gave it to me. Then I voluntarily took the exam with the assistant and got a grade of seven. I was very happy. I told my father what had happened, because I couldn’t not tell him. He said, “Didn’t I tell you, it’s not good, daughter?” I said, “Yes, dad, you were right, and I agree with you, but I can’t separate from all of them. We are united.” He said, “Yes, daughter, but you don’t know who Serbia is.” He often repeated, “You don’t know who Serbia is.”
And the role of Bac Sadri too… I was also expelled from the dormitory, I forgot that. They expelled me from the dorm, expelled from the faculty, I was left with nothing. Bac Agim and Bac Sadri found me an apartment near the faculty and even said, “This has influenced…” because we had nothing. Two students, younger children, father unemployed. How could we manage? They stopped my scholarship, I had no way. They paid my rent for a while. Then after all that happened, I passed my exams on time, I even passed that subject.
Other professors didn’t register me as someone without the right to take the exam, because even our professors were in trouble. Naturally, they had procedures, who respected the former regime and who didn’t. There were professors who continued working even after the protests. Some were removed later in the ‘90s, others remained and worked. Some worked in home-schools, homes turned into schools