[The following parts of the interview were conducted on May 8, 2015]
Part Three
Musa Dobruna: The embracing of the Antifascist Movement… by the masses, I am talking about Gjakova, not about other places, because I wouldn’t know, was so great, the fascists used to call Gjakova, “Little Moscow.” Italians called it “Piccola Mosca.” I will illustrate this with something else that happened in the ‘60s, the Fourth Plenum of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. But I will continue about this, afterwards… Emin Duraku with his friends, Hajdar Dushi, Xheladin Hana, Alush Gashi, Xhevdet Hamza, Enver Pula, Xhavit Nimani, with brothers and sisters, and many others throughout Kosovo, embraced it just as a war for national and social liberation, which later, with the changes in relations, took a slightly anti-nationalist course. Anti-nationalist is to be read as anti-Albanian, because the wind changed at that time. Schools opened, universities and Academy of Sciences, which were an obstacle for Serbian chauvinists. It was against the ideology of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which today runs Serbia’s state politics, even to this day. The president of the Serbian state must take on oath on the holy Orthodox book {he reaches his hand as if putting it on top of a book}, pro-Slav, call it as you wish. It’s their business! It is our business to work for ourselves, not against others. However, this as such has cost us and has shrunk us to what we are now, because of some kind of excessive tolerance. Shall I start with the teachers?
Jeta Rexha: Yes.
Musa Dobruna: After the war started in Yugoslavia then, what was the Second World War to us, groups of citizens, who had gone to Albania during the Kingdom of Yugoslavia for whatever reasons, now were returning. A group of them were being led by Emin Duraku, Fadil Hoxha, Hysni Zajmi, Xheladin Hana, Hajdar Dushi, and another group of other teachers, Zeki Shehu for instance, Pajazit Nushi’s uncle, they came and begun opening Albanian schools. This happened sometime in May ’41, it was May ’41. I remember that I registered for school when I was ten years old, for the first grade of primary school, and I was registered by Jusuf Puka. It is interesting to mention Jusuf Puka, because he was also my father’s teacher (laughs). And he came, the registered students, they divided us into classrooms. The first letters, or characters as you wish, were taught to me by Haki Taha, who was afterwards murdered by Serbia’s Secret Service, then Yugoslavia’s. And they framed it as if he murdered Miladin Popović, which was not true. And then, the teachers changed as needed and as things turned out, Zeki Shehu was my teacher for a while, he passed away soon. And teachers were changing often. From all of them we learned that the Antifascist National Liberation Movement was a movement for national and social liberation of the people, without exception… independently of religion and ethnicity.
Historic fate wanted us to join the anti-Hitlerian, antifascist, anti-Nazi [struggle], call it what you please, and this means lining up the Antifascist National Liberation Movement on the side of the great allies, the United States of America, England, France and China at that time, the Soviet Union of course. Together with us, Serbs and Montenegrins and others were conducting their antifascist activities as well. The Communists had a vision and they used a critical moment in Gjakova, when the Italians arrived they opened six or seven brothels – I apologize for talking like this – and they used the dissatisfaction of the people towards these acts. And all antifascist groups joined us, including non-Communists. There were people who didn’t like Communism, they didn’t want Communism. Why? They identified it with Russia, it is Russia… We were harmed by them, and that’s it.
Nevertheless, the people joined us, and the Communists, as good organizers, and I would say excellent propagandists, mobilized the people of Gjakova. I am convinced that there were no Gjakova citizens who fought against partisans, although they knew and they didn’t like partisans. There were no armed activities.Now I am deeply convinced, someone can say that they may not agree, but all the movements that existed during the Second World War were Albanian. They fought their way for the Albanian cause. Even Balli Kombëtar didn’t have much influence in Kosovo. We had Zogists,Legaliteti, and independent intellectuals. Even the biggest spies, like Beqir Maloku for example, he was the commander of the gendarmerie, he knew how the wind blew in Gjakova, but he didn’t do anything. They attempted an attack on him, both because he was a commander and a spy with a recognized career even during the time of Turkey, Fadil Hoxha with friends attempted an attack. But, he only got injured. He knew how the wind blew in Gjakova. Gjakova was all in the movement (laughs), and Italians called it “Piccola Mosca” – Little Moscow.
I would make a digression, after the Second World War, in the ‘60s, [going back to] when the Fourth Plenum of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Secret Service, especially the Serbian one was unmasked. And I asked what we used to call an “operative,” who is still alive, there were four at the table, two got up, he didn’t smoke, but he kept chain smoking, so I said, “Ok Nuhi, what’s the deal? When did you start smoking?” He said, “What is politics?” After I finished the work residency in the Secretariat for Internal Affairs, while serving in different centers of Kosovo, I retired and Dušan Mugoša, then the Political Secretary, the Chief Head of the Autonomous Province at the time, found out and told me to get back to the service, and, “You will go and serve in Gjakova.” And now, the notes he gave, the grades he gave that he was giving, now, but he said, “I have worked successfully in all the centers, but there is no harder place to work than Gjakova.” “Why?” “Because we never know who we are dealing with.” It is… I don’t know, it is an interesting population. They are very pragmatic, but in their powerlessness they have now been left with {lowers his hands towards the floor} a beggar’s stick.
Currently, they gave the beggar’s stick to Gjakova, although they had about three thousand people in the KLA, among them I had… there are eleven of us who have taken part, my sister’s and brothers’ children. I made this digression to show you what Gjakova is. Today Gjakova is downtrodden. This is my unstinted conviction. Gjakova used to have 27 thousand employees, today they hardly make it through the month. To me, the KLA leaders have betrayed Gjakova. They can say whatever they want. We hired two havanxhi who were grinding the tobacco, that’s how it was made (smiles), in a way… And we had two girls who packed it. They packed tobacco, usually around five hundred kilograms, my dad would load it and send it to Raushiq, close to Peja, and from there in a caravan, on loaded horses, he would send it to Sijenica. He would travel through the lands that were under the Chetniks, he literally corrupted them by giving them tobacco, because tobacco was scarce then. He would travel through partisan zones, and he had to give them tobacco, too, and with whatever tobacco remained he would arrive in Sijenica to meet a leader whose second name I don’t know, but his name was Deda. He would exchange that tobacco for sheep, dried meat, dairy, horses, carpets and other things, but not money.
When he came to Gjakova, in less than two days, my brother and I would take the sheep to pasture. My father came with Ismet Mula and Asim Blyta and other activists of the Antifascist National Liberation Movement. I took the letter… Ismet Mula and my father returned, Asim Blyta came with me. On our way to Deva, we met a man, whose wife was behind on the horse. He asked us, “Where are you going?” Asim answered that we were going to so-and-so… the man who asked us knew him. And we continued the road, he went his own way. We arrived in Deva after sunset. We knocked on the door of the first kulla that we saw, a partisan answered. We gave him the letter, he said, “Show this to the commander.” The commander came down the stairs, he took the letter, read it and said, “It’s not for me.” I folded it and he said, “Come upstairs.” We sat down, there were two women partisans and one man partisan around us. They verified who we were, and to wrap this up they asked us if we knew any partisan songs. We sang it… immediately, a song for Hysni Zajmi and Šahmanović, Hajro Šahmanović, who were murdered treacherously in Plav. We sang the song, they liked it and we got up to leave. The Commander said, “No, you will first have dinner and then I will give you an escort and you will go to Babaj i Bokës.”
The commander was Elez Isufi, my brother’s teacher. Elez Isufi was Isuf Elez’s son, he had taken part together with Ismail Qemal in the Albania’s declaration of independence. We got up and took the road to Babaj i Bokës, at night under the moon, it was a beautiful autumn. We arrived in Babaj i Bokës and we addressed the commander of the Fifth Brigade, Shefqet Peqi. He came out, and as it happened with Elez Isuf, he lit the lighter {acts as if he is reading the letter}, “It’s not for me. Comrade Fadil is in the operations against German troops that are withdrawing from Greece. They will come back tomorrow.” And we went to rest. We entered another hut there, earth. We took a rest (laughs), we called it a rest. The following day we woke up kind of early and we went to the village square, they called it loma, the place where they cast grain in our way, and we saw a group of partisans. The commander, standing up, was reprimanding them that we took the rifles to fight fascism, but to get damaged as little as possible. It’s not good to fight standing, Tosks used to fight standing” (laughs), that’s what it was like back then… little Toska.
As those words were being said, Commander Shefqet Peqi arrived and said, “We are at the verge of the final liberation of the homeland Albania, but our operations will continue in Yugoslav lands until the Nazi troops are completely expelled from the country. This is the order of General Colonel Enver Hoxha, our commander general colonel Enver Hoxha.” He ended at this point, we rose, Asim came, “Let’s go because Fadil is back,” in the kulla of Jusuf Bajraktari’s grandfather. He is an academic, he used to be the director of Institute of History. We entered the men’s guest chamber, as they used to call it (laughs), and they call it today. Hysen Zherka, Ceni as we used to call him, met me because he was my friend. He introduced me to Fadil Hoxha and he continued the conversation with… the people present there. Among others there were also two partisans from the Macedonian Brigade, wearing Albanian clothes and flat Dibran plis, and black harka and tirq. The master of the house was quiet all the time. At mealtime we sat to eat a very rich meal, as Albanians know to serve when they want to give a reception to an honored guest. After the meal, the barley coffees were served (laughs), as they advertise them now, and while drinking coffee, the master of the house took the floor and addressed Fadil Hoxha, “Fadil,” he said, “My son, I see that you are not alone. You cannot trust them.”
This was a chorus during the world war in Gjakova, and I want to believe in Kosovo too, that you cannot trust Serbs and Montenegrins. We liked and supported the Movement, but every time people thought of the common war with Serbs and Montenegrins, people had reservations. This then became the conviction of the whole Headquarters of the Antifascist National Liberation Movement, I am referring to Albanian Communists, Communists, Kosovo Albanians who continuously received information that the people are with the National Liberation Movement, but they did not like brotherhood and unity because of the too much suffering that Albanian population suffered in Yugoslavia at that time, during the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. After we had the meal and coffee, we took the road to Kruna where the Operative Headquarter for Kosovo was located in the Plains of Dukagjin. The Headquarter was located in the boarding school in Kosovo where boys who left Yugoslavia for Albania for whatever reason were educated.
On our way to Kruna, they got close to Deva. At one point some guy, Musa Efendia, he was a fighter of the National Liberation Movement… said to Fadil Hoxha, “Shall we go to Begu and have coffee?” Gani Beg’s Headquarter was there, Gani Beg Kryeziu who had completed the Military Academy of Yugoslav time, he was a superior military doctor. But he didn’t have his units, and he fought against Fascism. He collaborated with the Communists as much as he trusted them. Fadil answered to Musa’s proposal, “No!” “Why?” “He is upset with me. He sent me a letter, ‘Why are you taking my partisans?’” On the back of the letter, the same letter, he wrote, “I don’t have sterlings to give them,” meaning that Beg sold out, he worked against Fascism with the support of the allies, Great Britain at that time, which sent golden sterling pounds to fund the Movement.
We had two metal buckets full of those in our house. It happened that my mother opened one without my father’s permission. At that moment my father came, “What are you doing?” “I am taking only one sterling,” they were golden, “to give it to our son when he gets married.” My father took it and put it back there, closed it and gave it to Gani Beg. We left Deva and arrived in Qafa e Prushit where the border was, there is a border there to this day with… the homeland (laughs). This is what Teki Dervishi used to say, “The border with the homeland.” Fadil Hoxha’s horse got startled there because it saw a snake, there are many vipers over there on the rocky trails along the border. Musa Efendia stepped on it, we continued the road and stopped in Golaj. In Golaj, Fadil called Ibrahim Zherka, he died young, he was an historian who loved Fadil like his own son. He called, but no one answered and we continued the road. To make the trip easier, Musa Efendia asked again, “So Fadil, I also received a letter from Dem Ali Pozhari.” “So?” “He sent me a letter, saying, ‘Will you spare my life if I will join you with all I have’?” Fadil answers the letter, “No. If we ever meet, at the end we will be looking at each other down the rifle sight.” This, because Dem Ali Pozhari fought an armed fight against partisans.
But Fadil didn’t know one detail. When Dem Ali Pozhari with his gang set up an ambush, and found out that among the partisans there were no Serbs and Montenegrins, he withdrew, he did not fight. But where there were Serbs and Montenegrins, he never stopped his rifle. After the Second World War, on the eve of the end of Second World War, Dem Ali Pazhari escaped to Greece and then to Turkey and he died abroad. And again, another question now, to make the trip shorter, Musa Efendiu said to Fadil, “So have you [inc.] something else?” “I have received a letter from Ejup Binaku.” Ejup Binaku used to be the Secretary of the Fascist Party in Gjakova. And on the back of the letter he answered and said, “Come when you please.” Now the Musa’s logical question follows, he said, “We are at war with Fascism, Nazism. You refused two, but accepted that Ejup Binaku, the Secretary of the Fascist Party, comes safely.” This is where things change. Ejup Binaku is a person who between the two World Wars has helped as much as he could the young people who had left Yugoslavia for whatever reasons and went to Albania. He was committed to their education, employment and housing. I owe it to him, and Ejup Binaku comes safely.
We arrived in Kruna and they sent me to sleep in the room with Hilmi Agani, a professor, he was Professor Hilmi Agani later. After several weeks he… after he made sure that I was loyal, he told me, “I have to tell you something, but only if you give me the besa that you won’t speak out, you won’t tell anyone.” I said, “I do.” “On one occasion, surrounded by Muharrem Bajraktari’s troops, we had to hide two nights and three days in the bushes in Has of Gjakova, because he had large troops surround us. We hid two nights and one day,” he said “and we had quenched our thirst with wild fruits. And we got a message that Muharrem Bajraktari’s troops had withdrawn. We came back to Kruna, and on the way to Kruna, in the village of Cahan, Pavle Joviçević, who used to be the head of the Party in Operative Headquarters for the Plains of Kosovo and Dukagjin, gave him [me] a letter to send it to Kishaj, a village also situated in Albania, to wait for the reply and to come back, to return the reply. Even though he knew I was exhausted, tired, hungry, I accepted the duty, I went and fulfilled it and on my way back I stopped in leeward to rest. Not too long after, I heard someone’s footsteps approaching with others following, their bodyguards. I went and gave them the report, and returned to my spot. They brought out pies and meat, and started eating. They didn’t invite me to join although they knew I was exhausted, too.” “What is this?” “So you know,” (laughs) “just that.” To me this was the first indoctrination that cooperation with Serbs and Montenegrins is very difficult.
And then the withdrawal from Kruna to get closer to Gjakova happened, we got to Tropoja. We settled in Tropoja, and they sent me to sleep in a storage room for fabrics and different clothes, together with a Serb from Gjakova and a Shkodran. After we settled in, we went out, we went down to get our dinner. I had a tin bowl, a tin bowl that you carried here {he shows his belt}, for food and drinks and eating. I took it out and the answer in Serbian, “Nisi na evidencija, [There is no record of you] – You are not on the list of the first company, you’re on the second.” As I was obedient, I went to the second one, I reached my hand, and again, “Nisi na evidencija.” And upset, but without protesting, I returned to my room and I found there baca Bajram with the Shkodran man, he noticed that there was something wrong with me and said, “What’s going on with you?” I said, “Nothing!” He said, “No, no, a devil got into you” (laughs). And I told him about the episode, “Get up!” he said. He took me by hand, and what age was I, I wasn’t 14 yet. He went to the kitchen, “Take out your tin bowl,” and put, tock! {does as if he is filling the tin bowl} he gave me food. And this lasted for weeks. Sometimes I would be followed, accompanied by Safete Nimani, sometimes Dragi Kirljeović, and sometimes Xhafer Vokshi, a member of Headquarters.